I want to leave and disappear”
How to support survivors of domestic violence in rural Kyrgyzstan better?
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Since the 1990s, international development aid has been committed to financing and promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment in Kyrgyzstan, a country that received more aid than any other Central Asian state between 1991 and 2018. Yet, recent shocking cases of 36-year-old Asel Nogoibaeva, whose now ex-husband cut off her ears and nose, or the video of a husband beating and pouring buckets of water on his shaken wife who cried as she stood outside with two car tires hanging from a rope around her neck, and many others, once and again demonstrate that violence against women and girls, domestic violence in particular, is rampant and manifests in various forms in Kyrgyzstan. Addressing such a complex problem requires a comprehensive, multidimensional response that tackles a range of interconnected issues and engages diverse audiences.
Our preliminary pilot research aims to draw on in-depth interviews with domestic violence survivors and interviews with professionals, to better understand and analyze the underlying patterns related to mechanisms of domestic violence pointed out by both women survivors of domestic violence in rural areas of Kyrgyzstan and experts working on the issue.
Our preliminary pilot research aims to draw on in-depth interviews with domestic violence survivors and interviews with professionals, to better understand and analyze the underlying patterns related to mechanisms of domestic violence pointed out by both women survivors of domestic violence in rural areas of Kyrgyzstan and experts working on the issue.
Findings
The process of conducting interviews with the women who experienced domestic violence was rather challenging since the rhetoric of shaming is still widespread in the country, particularly in rural areas. The women who agreed to participate in the interviews were mostly with children, only one woman did not have any offspring, and one woman was pregnant.
Throughout the interviews, it became apparent that women reported violence either to law enforcement or any relatives only after at least one to two years of repeated violence at home.
Throughout the interviews, it became apparent that women reported violence either to law enforcement or any relatives only after at least one to two years of repeated violence at home.
Women who faced violence for the first time virtually never reported it. The most common reason to finally speak out about domestic abuse was either the women became disabled and/or their children were continuously physically abused, in many cases, it was both. It is of significant value to point out that domestic violence has been committed not just by husbands but also by parents-in-law and brothers.
Out of 15 women survivors, only two women reported the act of violence by calling 102, the rest were helped by hospitals, relatives, and/or neighbors; professional interviews revealed a similar tendency — that survivor women very rarely call 102. According to the interviews, the most common reason for putting up with the abuse is "mentality" or the stigma and shame associated with seeking help, and financial dependence on the perpetrator.
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Stop making problems and start living in peace with your husband.
(In) Effectiveness of the law
The inaction of law enforcement is widespread in rural areas and the majority of women stated that if the police did intervene, the interventions lasted only a couple of hours, after which the perpetrators came back home, in rare cases, perpetrators would be fined, no other strict punitive measures were usually taken. One survivor mentioned that she reported and wrote a police statement five times, however, her case never went to court, at the police station she was told to "stop making problems and start living in peace with her husband".
Another survivor was abused by her father-in-law, and her husband worked at the police station, therefore, when she called 102, even though law enforcement came to the scene, they refused to accept a written statement. In addition, despite the introduction of the protection orders (охранный ордер), which are supposed to act as a preventive mechanism to protect a person from harm, the orders do not have any positive result in cases where a husband and wife live together, thus, virtually in all the cases. Another crucially important element that hinders adequate legal procedures to protect the victim from psychological and/or economic abuse and punish the perpetrator is the absence of forensic psychological examinations.
Emerging contributing factors and causes for domestic violence
Concept of Marriage/Family
Analysis of the interviews highly suggests that one of the reasons for rampant domestic violence in rural areas is the concept of marriage/family. Though marriage as a structure was not explicitly mentioned by the respondents, throughout interviews it was clear that the patriarchal concept of marriage is still prevalent among both survivors and certain professionals.
Patriarchal marriage is based on a hierarchical structure in which women are subordinate to men and are restricted to household work only, where this work is not appreciated (Vithanage, 2015).
Within such structure, victim blaming is a norm, and this norm leads to reinforcing the idea that domestic violence should not be outed since the victim is to blame anyway.
Within such structure, victim blaming is a norm, and this norm leads to reinforcing the idea that domestic violence should not be outed since the victim is to blame anyway.
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maybe she wouldn’t have found herself in such a situation if she had shown patience and said about it at another time when her husband sobered up and then maybe her words would have reached him (-) … that’s how we are women (.) either we have a long tongue or we say a lot of unnecessary words, but it seems men get angry because of this.
The interviews also showed that there is an encouragement to "always save the family", divorce in such a structure is frowned upon. Furthermore, an intricate discourse of internalized contradiction has come to light throughout the interviews which resulted from such marriage structure.
When women are socialized in a patriarchal normative society they tend to internalize the ideas that they must put up with everything to "save the family" and "not to leave children as orphans, because children need both parents" — this is the rhetoric that the survivors used when asked "why don’t you leave your husband who physically abuses you?".
When women are socialized in a patriarchal normative society they tend to internalize the ideas that they must put up with everything to "save the family" and "not to leave children as orphans, because children need both parents" — this is the rhetoric that the survivors used when asked "why don’t you leave your husband who physically abuses you?".
The contradiction is that after uttering that internalized norm, the survivors went on describing how in their families the husbands physically abuse both her and their children, do not provide any financial support (e.g. do not buy any clothing, do not pay any medical expenses), is not interested in interacting with children, instead the husband spends money on alcohol and/or other women/lovers.
In addition, in such marriages, women are not allowed contraceptives yet they are blamed for having too many children.
In addition, in such marriages, women are not allowed contraceptives yet they are blamed for having too many children.
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...basically they (husbands) complain to their wives that they give birth again and again and that they (husbands) are not satisfied and for this reason they rape in another organ {anus} after such an intimate relationship, a lot of women suffer.
Religion
In his article for CABAR. asia Arsen Usenov states that "An unprecedented growth of the role of religion in the life of society is taking place in Kyrgyzstan, which requires the state to take new approaches to building relationships between the state and religion" (Usenov, 2022).
Religion is a rather sensitive and extremely intricate concept. In rural Kyrgyzstan, religion seems to denote a conservative effect.
There is a tendency of victim blaming through religion, one of the local deputies said:
There is a tendency of victim blaming through religion, one of the local deputies said:
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the victim was a good, beautiful girl (.) if she had been with a friend, she had not been alone, perhaps he [the perpetrator] would not have done this; this would not have happened to her (.) Sharia says you cannot go out without mahr without an accompanying person (.) it seems we should look at which person we sit next to (.) we shouldn’t be left alone at home (.) when you’re left alone anything can happen (.) after dusk it’s better not to go out.
Financial problems and unemployment
Financial challenges and unemployment were among the most frequently provided reasons for domestic violence in both professional interviews and interviews with survivors. Women in precarious financial states are particularly more vulnerable to domestic violence since poverty limits their choices and resources.
However, it is crucial to point out that violence does not seem to discriminate based on income. Even though in our case study, the majority of those who agreed to have interviews were facing financial problems, this was most probably one of the motives for agreeing to the interview, domestic violence does take place in affluent families, women of such families just do not report it (Bellew, 2005). Poverty and unemployment in a family are deeply interconnected with problems related to patriarchal norms.
Alcohol
The problem of alcohol is a complex one, it includes various social and economic intersections — financial problems and unemployment and the aforementioned crisis of the sole "breadwinner" role creates stress that leads to alcohol abuse and violence (Maralbaeva and Pierobon, 2023).
In the majority of cases, the survivor women specified that their husbands would start drinking after losing their jobs. It is important to point out that this research aims to address rural areas, where resources are limited and unemployment with alcoholism is a widespread issue.
Alcohol abuse is the most widespread cause provided by the survivors, 13 out of 15 women described how violence takes place while men are drunk, and things are usually alright when men are sober.
Pornography
Anecdotal evidence suggests that watching porn is a widespread practice among young men in Central Asia. It is worth mentioning that Kyrgyzstan does not block any porn websites, as, for example, in Uzbekistan, where access to any pornography-related websites is restricted.
Pornography frequently contains objectifying and dehumanizing portrayals of women, as well as regularly including aggression, abuse, and violence against women.
It is worth noting that there has not been any research done in this field to address the issue in Kyrgyzstan.
It is worth noting that there has not been any research done in this field to address the issue in Kyrgyzstan.
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…. usually men see this in pornography and force their wives (.) and women are not ready for such conditions (.) they have not seen this (.) and men watch (.) women do not watch, they have not seen (.) if a woman has no desire, you mustn’t rape.
Awareness of women who have experienced domestic violence about services and initiatives
Based on the interviews with professionals, if it were not for NGOs and donor aid some of them would not have been involved in the work directed against GBV.
Local women committees’ members mentioned how international organizations organized trainings, and distributed brochures with information on social protection etc. It has become clear, however, that the survivors were not aware of any such initiatives and/or activities.
Local women committees’ members mentioned how international organizations organized trainings, and distributed brochures with information on social protection etc. It has become clear, however, that the survivors were not aware of any such initiatives and/or activities.
The fieldwork also revealed that the prevailing majority of interviewed survivors were not aware of the existence of crisis centers and shelters, and they did not know who to go to and/or consult when they were physically abused.
Considering the distrust in the legal system and the distance and isolation of the rural areas, the women had to put up with the abuses for many years. It is important to point out that those women who managed to get to the crisis centers did so in most cases with the help of the members of the Committees for the Prevention of Domestic Violence.
Considering the distrust in the legal system and the distance and isolation of the rural areas, the women had to put up with the abuses for many years. It is important to point out that those women who managed to get to the crisis centers did so in most cases with the help of the members of the Committees for the Prevention of Domestic Violence.
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I’ve never seen such information on TV programs (.) I haven’t seen a brochure either (.) but the only thing I can say is that last year I probably saw it on public transport (.) how to say an advertisement is not even an advertisement but posters, yes (.) but of course they are not really about violence against women (.) and there they are probably more about harassment by men towards girls (.) schoolgirls.
Conclusions and Recommendations
Over the past three decades, both local civil society and the international community have been dedicated to addressing violence against women and girls in Kyrgyzstan, employing various approaches and engaging with diverse communities and audiences. We acknowledge the hard work that has been done to address violence against women and girls, which includes fostering changes in social norms and attitudes; improving local laws; 2 and raising awareness.
Despite these commitments, however, women are still physically and mentally abused in their own homes. Based on the analysis of the interviews, we once and again would like to underline that the problem of domestic violence is multidimensional, involving sociocultural norms, legal system, economic insecurity, religion, and others. Moreover, the findings demonstrated that much more needs to be done to ensure improvements in rural areas, which are often isolated and resource-limited. Overall, the following specific areas for improvement and recommendations for donor agencies, the state, and civil society organizations in Kyrgyzstan emerged from our preliminary pilot study.
Involving men is critical for addressing, reducing, and preventing violence against women, in particular domestic violence.
Both survivors and professional interviews emphasized that while there is widespread distrust in the effectiveness of the legal system, people generally listen to informal hierarchical structures.
There has been a stark contrast in responses about future plans between the survivors who were staying in shelters and those who did not receive any specialized help.
There have been very few attempts made to systematically map and analyze projects specifically targeting GBV, and domestic violence specifically, in Kyrgyzstan, especially in rural areas.
Active engagement/work with men
Involving men is critical for addressing, reducing, and preventing violence against women, in particular domestic violence. Even though projects and initiatives engaging men are growing 3men are still left out in the mainstream work.
Firstly, in a societal structure where men consider women as subordinates, women talking about their own rights will make very little sense since men will most likely listen to men only. As a committee member pointed out:
“…. but in fact, strong people who use violence are men (.) we must work with these men (.) for this we must work with the court of elders with imams of mosques with big people [with authority] with those men who will be listened to (. )therefore, we must attract more men to the composition of the Committees for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (.) when we women say among ourselves that we have rights, we are like this, we are that, we will not allow ourselves to be offended, then men develop a different concept, they see it differently(.)”
Secondly, while it is generally important to talk about freedoms and rights, it is no less important to remind about limits and punishments. One of the local deputies specified that during various forums for women, they always appeal to have forums for men where men would be informed about the notions of domestic violence and related laws and subsequent punishments. Such forums for men have never taken place in rural areas, according to the deputy. Furthermore, it is important to address the issue of alcoholism. Even though survivors, professionals, and academic literature unanimously agree that alcohol abuse contributes to domestic violence, neither research recommendations nor projects combating GBV seem to tackle the issue.
Lastly, very little has been done to understand and analyze men’s perspectives on domestic violence and GBV in general in the country, more research based on interviews and surveys with men is needed to deeper reflect on the issue.
Firstly, in a societal structure where men consider women as subordinates, women talking about their own rights will make very little sense since men will most likely listen to men only. As a committee member pointed out:
“…. but in fact, strong people who use violence are men (.) we must work with these men (.) for this we must work with the court of elders with imams of mosques with big people [with authority] with those men who will be listened to (. )therefore, we must attract more men to the composition of the Committees for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (.) when we women say among ourselves that we have rights, we are like this, we are that, we will not allow ourselves to be offended, then men develop a different concept, they see it differently(.)”
Secondly, while it is generally important to talk about freedoms and rights, it is no less important to remind about limits and punishments. One of the local deputies specified that during various forums for women, they always appeal to have forums for men where men would be informed about the notions of domestic violence and related laws and subsequent punishments. Such forums for men have never taken place in rural areas, according to the deputy. Furthermore, it is important to address the issue of alcoholism. Even though survivors, professionals, and academic literature unanimously agree that alcohol abuse contributes to domestic violence, neither research recommendations nor projects combating GBV seem to tackle the issue.
Lastly, very little has been done to understand and analyze men’s perspectives on domestic violence and GBV in general in the country, more research based on interviews and surveys with men is needed to deeper reflect on the issue.
Involvement of Local Rural Stakeholders/Community members
While important strides have been undertaken in raising awareness and addressing the issue of domestic violence by engaging diverse audiences, there is still rather limited data on how things operate in rural areas of Kyrgyzstan. In areas with very scarce resources in general, there is also a lack of institutions such as police stations, hospitals, or NGOs, yet, every village seems to have a court of Aksakals and religious leaders.
Both survivors and professional interviews emphasized that while there is widespread distrust in the effectiveness of the legal system, people generally listen to informal hierarchical structures.
In addition, throughout the interviews, it became evident that a lot of work, both preventive and punitive, is relegated to district police officers (участковые). However, in many cases, there is only one officer for the whole village, sometimes one for several villages, and it is physically virtually impossible to address all cases of violence. Therefore, comprehensive research is desirable to see how the structural framework of district police officers works and what needs to be improved.
Work must be done with Committees for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (КПНС). The committee is an informal, voluntary association of key people in the local community. The composition of the committee is formed and varies based on local conditions and the willingness of the parties to participate in the activities related to domestic violence. Based on the survivors’ interviews, the committees proved to be helpful in on-the-spot addressing cases of domestic violence in villages since the members live in the same neighborhoods, and unlike most law enforcement and district officers, the members of such committees are women. The members of the committees are well-informed about crisis centers and various programs on GBV and domestic violence. And in general, it is important to remember that women feel more comfortable talking to women about domestic violence. However, as was demonstrated in the analysis section, committee members’ idea of marriage is quite problematic and most of the victim-blaming comes from them. This paper does not claim that every member of every committee tends to have such ideas about marriages, nonetheless, this is the pattern traced throughout our fieldwork.
We are aware of and acknowledge that working with local stakeholders can be a double-edged sword since they represent the sociocultural structure which more than often reinforces sociocultural norms harmful to women, nonetheless, considering the rural context it is crucial to concede local stakeholders’ importance and influence.
Both survivors and professional interviews emphasized that while there is widespread distrust in the effectiveness of the legal system, people generally listen to informal hierarchical structures.
In addition, throughout the interviews, it became evident that a lot of work, both preventive and punitive, is relegated to district police officers (участковые). However, in many cases, there is only one officer for the whole village, sometimes one for several villages, and it is physically virtually impossible to address all cases of violence. Therefore, comprehensive research is desirable to see how the structural framework of district police officers works and what needs to be improved.
Work must be done with Committees for the Prevention of Domestic Violence (КПНС). The committee is an informal, voluntary association of key people in the local community. The composition of the committee is formed and varies based on local conditions and the willingness of the parties to participate in the activities related to domestic violence. Based on the survivors’ interviews, the committees proved to be helpful in on-the-spot addressing cases of domestic violence in villages since the members live in the same neighborhoods, and unlike most law enforcement and district officers, the members of such committees are women. The members of the committees are well-informed about crisis centers and various programs on GBV and domestic violence. And in general, it is important to remember that women feel more comfortable talking to women about domestic violence. However, as was demonstrated in the analysis section, committee members’ idea of marriage is quite problematic and most of the victim-blaming comes from them. This paper does not claim that every member of every committee tends to have such ideas about marriages, nonetheless, this is the pattern traced throughout our fieldwork.
We are aware of and acknowledge that working with local stakeholders can be a double-edged sword since they represent the sociocultural structure which more than often reinforces sociocultural norms harmful to women, nonetheless, considering the rural context it is crucial to concede local stakeholders’ importance and influence.
Support Crisis Centers and Shelters
The findings of our preliminary pilot fieldwork made it clear that shelters and crisis centers have been doing extraordinary work at providing essential services to survivors of domestic violence: women receive psychological help, legal consultations, and take various courses such as bakery and sewing, and they generally are treated with respect.
There has been a stark contrast in responses about future plans between the survivors who were staying in shelters and those who did not receive any specialized help. While the survivors at the shelters were expressing hopes of finding a job, divorcing, applying for alimony, and living independently, women who have never been in shelters expressed the following:
“Interviewer: when you leave, are you thinking about getting a divorce, terminating the registry office, forcing him to pay alimony, or are you thinking about not reporting your whereabouts?
Survivor: I’m thinking of disappearing into obscurity (.) I don’t need alimony (.) as long as he doesn’t see me (.) I want to leave and disappear”
Multiple studies and monitoring reports suggest that the level of state commitment to address the issue and allocate funds is inadequate for the level of gender-based violence in the country. Civil society and community crisis centers remain heavily dependent on the funds and priorities of international donor agencies. It makes the entire sector vulnerable to even minor changes in donors’ commitments, agendas, or funding opportunities. The 2019 National-level Review states that beyond allocating funds within the national budget to relevant ministries and agencies, it only allocated between KGS 300,000-700,000 annually to four of the existing 18 crisis centers under the Social Service Procurement Contract Programme, which is inadequate for their needs (Beijing +25, 2019).
There has been a stark contrast in responses about future plans between the survivors who were staying in shelters and those who did not receive any specialized help. While the survivors at the shelters were expressing hopes of finding a job, divorcing, applying for alimony, and living independently, women who have never been in shelters expressed the following:
“Interviewer: when you leave, are you thinking about getting a divorce, terminating the registry office, forcing him to pay alimony, or are you thinking about not reporting your whereabouts?
Survivor: I’m thinking of disappearing into obscurity (.) I don’t need alimony (.) as long as he doesn’t see me (.) I want to leave and disappear”
Multiple studies and monitoring reports suggest that the level of state commitment to address the issue and allocate funds is inadequate for the level of gender-based violence in the country. Civil society and community crisis centers remain heavily dependent on the funds and priorities of international donor agencies. It makes the entire sector vulnerable to even minor changes in donors’ commitments, agendas, or funding opportunities. The 2019 National-level Review states that beyond allocating funds within the national budget to relevant ministries and agencies, it only allocated between KGS 300,000-700,000 annually to four of the existing 18 crisis centers under the Social Service Procurement Contract Programme, which is inadequate for their needs (Beijing +25, 2019).
Monitoring and Mapping
There have been very few attempts made to systematically map and analyze projects specifically targeting GBV, and domestic violence specifically, in Kyrgyzstan, especially in rural areas. This step could prove crucial for future programming.
Mapping such initiatives and projects could serve multiple purposes. Firstly, it could help identify gaps in coverage and areas where interventions might be lacking. Additionally, it could uncover overlaps or duplications in efforts, ensuring the efficient use of resources. It would provide insights into the specific regions, communities, or demographic groups that require more attention in terms of GBV interventions. Another motivation for undertaking such research would be to identify best practices and lessons learned to inform new projects and provide evidence-based data to support policy recommendations and reforms.
Mapping and analyzing projects addressing gender-based violence in Kyrgyzstan is a crucial step to ensure that future initiatives are well-informed, strategically planned, and responsive to the unique needs of the communities affected by violence against women and girls.
Mapping such initiatives and projects could serve multiple purposes. Firstly, it could help identify gaps in coverage and areas where interventions might be lacking. Additionally, it could uncover overlaps or duplications in efforts, ensuring the efficient use of resources. It would provide insights into the specific regions, communities, or demographic groups that require more attention in terms of GBV interventions. Another motivation for undertaking such research would be to identify best practices and lessons learned to inform new projects and provide evidence-based data to support policy recommendations and reforms.
Mapping and analyzing projects addressing gender-based violence in Kyrgyzstan is a crucial step to ensure that future initiatives are well-informed, strategically planned, and responsive to the unique needs of the communities affected by violence against women and girls.
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Interviewer: when you leave, are you thinking about getting a divorce, terminating the registry office, forcing him to pay alimony, or are you thinking about not reporting your whereabouts?
Survivor: I’m thinking of disappearing into obscurity (.) I don’t need alimony (.) as long as he doesn’t see me (.) I want to leave and disappear.
Survivor: I’m thinking of disappearing into obscurity (.) I don’t need alimony (.) as long as he doesn’t see me (.) I want to leave and disappear.
The project was implemented with the support of the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI)
November, 2023 – March, 2024
November, 2023 – March, 2024